Instructions: there are two parts for this assignment, part one and two.<\/p>\n
PART ONE<\/p>\n
Please read ‘Drinking Games’ by Malcolm Gladwell and answer each question in at least three well-constructed sentences. Also view the ‘Formal and Informal’ norms video. This is the link https:\/\/youtu.be\/9sPOh_s9JdM to watch that video. Make sure to connect (chapter 3 culture) concepts and terminology as they appear in the questions to your responses. This is the book, SOCIOLOGY A BRIEF INTRODUCTION 12 EDITION BY RICHARD T. SCHAEFER. Grading is on a 12-point scale: Excellent (11-12 points), Very Good (8-10 points), Satisfactory (6-7 points) Not Satisfactory (less than six points). Below is the grading rubric.<\/p>\n
Grading Rubric for Questions
\nRating\tDescription
\nExcellent\/Very Good
\n3\tConnects answer to textbook readings in a very clear and concise way. No or very little irrelevant information provided. Minimum errors in grammar.
\nSatisfactory
\n2\tConnects answer to textbook readings in a fairly clear and concise way. Some irrelevant information may be included and may have some issues with clarity and grammar.
\nNot satisfactory
\n1\tMade an attempt but has serious holes in answer and in its clarity.<\/p>\n
HERE IS THE ARTICLE \u201cDRINKING GAMES BY MALCOLM GLADWELL:<\/p>\n
Drinking Games
\nHow much people drink may matter less than how they drink it.
\nMalcolm Gladwell February 15, 2010 Issue
\nIn 1956, Dwight Heath, a graduate student in anthropology at Yale University, was preparing to do field work for his dissertation. He was interested in land reform and social change, and his first choice as a study site was Tibet. But six months before he was to go there he got a letter from the Chinese government rejecting his request for a visa. \u201cI had to find a place where you can master the literature in four months, and that was accessible,\u201d Heath says now. \u201cIt was a hustle.\u201d Bolivia was the next best choice. He and his wife, Anna Cooper Heath, flew to Lima with their baby boy, and then waited for five hours while mechanics put boosters on the plane\u2019s engines. \u201cThese were planes that the U.S. had dumped after World War II,\u201d Heath recalls. \u201cThey weren\u2019t supposed to go above ten thousand feet. But La Paz, where we were headed, was at twelve thousand feet.\u201d As they flew into the Andes, Cooper Heath says, they looked down and saw the remnants of \u201call the planes where the boosters didn\u2019t work.\u201d
\nFrom La Paz, they travelled five hundred miles into the interior of eastern Bolivia, to a small frontier town called Montero. It was the part of Bolivia where the Amazon Basin meets the Chaco\u2014vast stretches of jungle and lush prairie. The area was inhabited by the Camba, a mestizo people descended from the indigenous Indian populations and Spanish settlers. The Camba spoke a language that was a mixture of the local Indian languages and seventeenth-century Andalusian Spanish. \u201cIt was an empty spot on the map,\u201d Heath says. \u201cThere was a railroad coming. There was a highway coming. There was a national government . . . coming.\u201d
\nThey lived in a tiny house just outside of town. \u201cThere was no pavement, no sidewalks,\u201d Cooper Heath recalls. \u201cIf there was meat in town, they\u2019d throw out the hide in front, so you\u2019d know where it was, and you would bring banana leaves in your hand, so it was your dish. There were adobe houses with stucco and tile roofs, and the town plaza, with three palm trees. You heard the rumble of oxcarts. The padres had a jeep. Some of the women would serve a big pot of rice and some sauce. That was the restaurant. The guy who did the coffee was German. The year we came to Bolivia, a total of eighty-five foreigners came into the country. It wasn\u2019t exactly a hot spot.\u201d
\nIn Montero, the Heaths engaged in old-fashioned ethnography\u2014\u201cvacuuming up everything,\u201d Dwight says, \u201clearning everything.\u201d They convinced the Camba that they weren\u2019t missionaries by openly smoking cigarettes. They took thousands of photographs. They walked around the town and talked to whomever they could, and then Dwight went home and spent the night typing up his notes. They had a Coleman lantern, which became a prized social commodity. Heath taught some of the locals how to build a split-rail fence. They sometimes shared a beer in the evenings with a Bolivian Air Force officer who had been exiled to Montero from La Paz. \u201cHe kept on saying, \u2018Watch me, I will be somebody,\u2019 \u201d Dwight says. (His name was Ren\u00e9 Barrientos; eight years later he became the President of Bolivia, and the Heaths were invited to his inauguration.) After a year and a half, the Heaths packed up their photographs and notes and returned to New Haven. There Dwight Heath sat down to write his dissertation\u2014only to discover that he had nearly missed what was perhaps the most fascinating fact about the community he had been studying.
\nToday, the Heaths are in their late seventies. Dwight has neatly combed gray hair and thick tortoiseshell glasses, a reserved New Englander through and through. Anna is more outgoing. They live not far from the Brown University campus, in Providence, in a house filled with hundreds of African statues and sculptures, with books and papers piled high on tables, and they sat, in facing armchairs, and told the story of what happened half a century ago, finishing each other\u2019s sentences.
\n\u201cIt was August or September of 1957,\u201d Heath said. \u201cWe had just gotten back. She\u2019s tanned. I\u2019m tanned. I mean, really tanned, which you didn\u2019t see a lot of in New Haven in those days.\u201d
\n\u201cI\u2019m an architecture nut,\u201d Anna said. \u201cAnd I said I wanted to see the inside of this building near the campus. It was always closed. But Dwight says, \u2018You never know,\u2019 so he walked over and pulls on the door and it opens.\u201d Anna looked over at her husband.
\n\u201cSo we go in,\u201d Dwight went on, \u201cand there was a couple of little white-haired guys there. And they said, \u2018You\u2019re tanned. Where have you been?\u2019 And I said Bolivia. And one of them said, \u2018Well, can you tell me how they drink?\u2019 \u201d The building was Yale\u2019s Center of Alcohol Studies. One of the white-haired men was E. M. Jellinek, perhaps the world\u2019s leading expert on alcoholism at the time; the other was Mark Keller, the editor of the well-regarded Quarterly Journal of Studies on Alcohol. Keller stood up and grabbed Heath by the lapels: \u201cI don\u2019t know anyone who has ever been to Bolivia. Tell me about it!\u201d He invited Heath to write up his alcohol-related observations for his journal.
\nVideo From The New Yorker<\/p>\n
After the Heaths went home that day, Anna said to Dwight, \u201cDo you realize that every weekend we were in Bolivia we went out drinking?\u201d The code he used for alcohol in his notebooks was 30A, and when he went over his notes he found 30A references everywhere. Still, nothing about the alcohol question struck him as particularly noteworthy. People drank every weekend in New Haven, too. His focus was on land reform. But who was he to say no to the Quarterly Journal of Studies on Alcohol? So he sat down and wrote up what he knew. Only after his article, \u201cDrinking Patterns of the Bolivian Camba,\u201d was published, in September of 1958, and the queries and reprint requests began flooding in from around the world, did he realize what he had found. \u201cThis is so often true in anthropology,\u201d Anna said. \u201cIt is not anthropologists who recognize the value of what they\u2019ve done. It\u2019s everyone else. The anthropologist is just reporting.\u201d
\nThe abuse of alcohol has, historically, been thought of as a moral failing. Muslims and Mormons and many kinds of fundamentalist Christians do not drink, because they consider alcohol an invitation to weakness and sin. Around the middle of the last century, alcoholism began to be widely considered a disease: it was recognized that some proportion of the population was genetically susceptible to the effects of drinking. Policymakers, meanwhile, have become increasingly interested in using economic and legal tools to control alcohol-related behavior: that\u2019s why the drinking age has been raised from eighteen to twenty-one, why drunk-driving laws have been toughened, and why alcohol is taxed heavily. Today, our approach to the social burden of alcohol is best described as a mixture of all three: we moralize, medicalize, and legalize.
\nIn the nineteen-fifties, however, the researchers at the Yale Center of Alcohol Studies found something lacking in this emerging approach, and the reason had to do with what they observed right in their own town. New Haven was a city of immigrants\u2014Jewish, Irish, and, most of all, Italian. Recent Italian immigrants made up about a third of the population, and whenever the Yale researchers went into the Italian neighborhoods they found an astonishing thirst for alcohol. The overwhelming majority of Italian-American men in New Haven drank. A group led by the director of the Yale alcohol-treatment clinic, Giorgio Lolli, once interviewed a sixty-one-year-old father of four who consumed more than three thousand calories a day of food and beverages\u2014of which a third was wine. \u201cHe usually has an 8-oz. glass of wine immediately following his breakfast every morning,\u201d Lolli and his colleagues wrote. \u201cHe always takes wine with his noonday lunch\u2014as much as 24 oz.\u201d But he didn\u2019t display the pathologies that typically accompany that kind of alcohol consumption. The man was successfully employed, and had been drunk only twice in his life. He was, Lolli concluded, \u201ca healthy, happy individual who has made a satisfactory adjustment to life.\u201d
\nBy the late fifties, Lolli\u2019s clinic had admitted twelve hundred alcoholics. Plenty of them were Irish. But just forty were Italians (all of whom were second- or third-generation immigrants). New Haven was a natural experiment. Here were two groups who practiced the same religion, who were subject to the same laws and constraints, and who, it seemed reasonable to suppose, should have the same assortment within their community of those genetically predisposed to alcoholism. Yet the heavy-drinking Italians had nothing like the problems that afflicted their Irish counterparts.
\n\u201cThat drinking must precede alcoholism is obvious,\u201d Mark Keller once wrote. \u201cEqually obvious, but not always sufficiently considered, is the fact that drinking is not necessarily followed by alcoholism.\u201d This was the puzzle of New Haven, and why Keller demanded of Dwight Heath, that day on the Yale campus, Tell me how the Camba drink. The crucial ingredient, in Keller\u2019s eyes, had to be cultural.
\nThe Heaths had been invited to a party soon after arriving in Montero, and every weekend and holiday thereafter. It was their Coleman lantern. \u201cWhatever the occasion, it didn\u2019t matter,\u201d Anna recalled. \u201cAs long as the party was at night, we were first on the list.\u201d
\nThe parties would have been more aptly described as drinking parties. The host would buy the first bottle and issue the invitations. A dozen or so people would show up on Saturday night, and the party would proceed\u2014often until everyone went back to work on Monday morning. The composition of the group was informal: sometimes people passing by would be invited. But the structure of the party was heavily ritualized. The group would sit in a circle. Someone might play the drums or a guitar. A bottle of rum, from one of the sugar refineries in the area, and a small drinking glass were placed on a table. The host stood, filled the glass with rum, and then walked toward someone in the circle. He stood before the \u201ctoastee,\u201d nodded, and raised the glass. The toastee smiled and nodded in return. The host then drank half the glass and handed it to the toastee, who would finish it. The toastee eventually stood, refilled the glass, and repeated the ritual with someone else in the circle. When people got too tired or too drunk, they curled up on the ground and passed out, rejoining the party when they awoke. The Camba did not drink alone. They did not drink on work nights. And they drank only within the structure of this elaborate ritual.
\n\u201cThe alcohol they drank was awful,\u201d Anna recalled. \u201cLiterally, your eyes poured tears. The first time I had it, I thought, I wonder what will happen if I just vomit in the middle of the floor. Not even the Camba said they liked it. They say it tastes bad. It burns. The next day they are sweating this stuff. You can smell it.\u201d But the Heaths gamely persevered. \u201cThe anthropology graduate student in the nineteen-fifties felt that he had to adapt,\u201d Dwight Heath said. \u201cYou don\u2019t want to offend anyone, you don\u2019t want to decline anything. I gritted my teeth and accepted those drinks.\u201d
\n\u201cWe didn\u2019t get drunk that much,\u201d Anna went on, \u201cbecause we didn\u2019t get toasted as much as the other folks around. We were strangers. But one night there was this really big party\u2014sixty to eighty people. They\u2019d drink. Then pass out. Then wake up and party for a while. And I found, in their drinking patterns, that I could turn my drink over to Dwight. The husband is obliged to drink for his wife. And Dwight is holding the Coleman lantern with his arm wrapped around it, and I said, \u2018Dwight, you are burning your arm.\u2019 \u201d She mimed her husband peeling his forearm off the hot surface of the lantern. \u201cAnd he said\u2014very deliberately\u2014\u2018So I am.\u2019 \u201d
\nWhen the Heaths came back to New Haven, they had a bottle of the Camba\u2019s rum analyzed and learned that it was a hundred and eighty proof. It was laboratoryalcohol\u2014the concentration that scientists use to fix tissue. No one had ever heard of anyone drinking it. This was the first of the astonishing findings of the Heaths\u2019 research\u2014and, predictably, no one believed it at first.
\n\u201cOne of the world\u2019s leading physiologists of alcohol was at the Yale center,\u201d Heath recalled. \u201cHis name was Leon Greenberg. He said to me, \u2018Hey, you spin a good yarn. But you couldn\u2019t really have drunk that stuff.\u2019 And he needled me just enough that he knew he would get a response. So I said, \u2018You want me to drink it? I have a bottle.\u2019 So one Saturday I drank some under controlled conditions. He was taking blood samples every twenty minutes, and, sure enough, I did drink it, the way I said I\u2019d drunk it.\u201d
\nGreenberg had an ambulance ready to take Heath home. But Heath decided to walk. Anna was waiting up for him in the third-floor walkup they rented, in an old fraternity house. \u201cI was hanging out the window waiting for him, and there\u2019s the ambulance driving along the street, very slowly, and next to it is Dwight. He waves, and he looks fine. Then he walks up the three flights of stairs and says, \u2018Ahh, I\u2019m drunk,\u2019 and falls flat on his face. He was out for three hours.\u201d
\nThe bigger surprise was what happened when the Camba drank. The Camba had weekly benders with laboratory-proof alcohol, and, Dwight Heath said, \u201cThere was no social pathology\u2014none. No arguments, no disputes, no sexual aggression, no verbal aggression. There was pleasant conversation or silence.\u201d On the Brown University campus, a few blocks away, beer\u2014which is to Camba rum approximately what a peashooter is to a bazooka\u2014was known to reduce the student population to a raging hormonal frenzy on Friday nights. \u201cThe drinking didn\u2019t interfere with work,\u201d Heath went on. \u201cIt didn\u2019t bring in the police. And there was no alcoholism, either.\u201d
\nWhat Heath found among the Camba is hard to believe. We regard alcohol\u2019s behavioral effects as inevitable. Alcohol disinhibits, we assume, as reliably as caffeine enlivens. It gradually unlocks the set of psychological constraints that keep our behavior in check, and makes us do things that we would not ordinarily do. It\u2019s a drug, after all.
\nBut, after Heath\u2019s work on the Camba, anthropologists began to take note of all the puzzling ways in which alcohol wasn\u2019t reliable in its effects. In the classic 1969 work \u201cDrunken Comportment,\u201d for example, the anthropologists Craig MacAndrew and Robert B. Edgerton describe an encounter that Edgerton had while studying a tribe in central Kenya. One of the tribesmen, he was told, was \u201cvery dangerous\u201d and \u201ctotally beyond control\u201d after he had been drinking, and one day Edgerton ran across the man:
\nI heard a commotion, and saw people running past me. One young man stopped and urged me to flee because this dangerous drunk was coming down the path attacking all whom he met. As I was about to take this advice and leave, the drunk burst wildly into the clearing where I was sitting. I stood up, ready to run, but much to my surprise, the man calmed down, and as he walked slowly past me, he greeted me in polite, even deferential terms, before he turned and dashed away. I later learned that in the course of his \u201cdrunken rage\u201d that day he had beaten two men, pushed down a small boy, and eviscerated a goat with a large knife. The authors include a similar case from Ralph Beals\u2019s work among the Mixe Indians of Oaxaca, Mexico:
\nThe Mixe indulge in frequent fist fights, especially while drunk. Although I probably saw several hundred, I saw no weapons used, although nearly all men carried machetes and many carried rifles. Most fights start with a drunken quarrel. When the pitch of voices reaches a certain point, everyone expects a fight. The men hold out their weapons to the onlookers, and then begin to fight with their fists, swinging wildly until one falls down [at which point] the victor helps his opponent to his feet and usually they embrace each other.
\nThe angry Kenyan tribesman was disinhibited toward his own people but inhibited toward Edgerton. Alcohol turned the Mixe into aggressive street fighters, but they retained the presence of mind to \u201chold out their weapons to the onlookers.\u201d Something that truly disinhibits ought to be indiscriminate in its effects. That\u2019s not the picture of alcohol that these anthropologists have given us. (MacAndrew and Edgerton, in one of their book\u2019s many wry asides, point out that we are all acquainted with people who can hold their liquor. \u201cIn the absence of anything observably untoward in such a one\u2019s drunken comportment,\u201d they ask, \u201care we seriously to presume that he is devoid of inhibitions?\u201d)
\nPsychologists have encountered the same kinds of perplexities when they have set out to investigate the effects of drunkenness. One common belief is that alcohol causes \u201cself-inflation.\u201d It makes us see ourselves through rose-tinted glasses. Oddly, though, it doesn\u2019t make us view everything about ourselves through rose-tinted glasses. When the psychologists Claude Steele and Mahzarin Banaji gave a group of people a personality questionnaire while they were sober and then again when they were drunk, they found that the only personality aspects that were inflated by drinking were those where there was a gap between real and ideal states. If you are good-looking and the world agrees that you are good-looking, drinking doesn\u2019t make you think you\u2019re even better-looking. Drinking only makes you feel you\u2019re better-looking if you think you\u2019re good-looking and the world doesn\u2019t agree.
\nAlcohol is also commonly believed to reduce anxiety. That\u2019s what a disinhibiting agent should do: relax us and make the world go away. Yet this effect also turns out to be selective. Put a stressed-out drinker in front of an exciting football game and he\u2019ll forget his troubles. But put him in a quiet bar somewhere, all by himself, and he\u2019ll grow more anxious.
\nSteele and his colleague Robert Josephs\u2019s explanation is that we\u2019ve misread the effects of alcohol on the brain. Its principal effect is to narrow our emotional and mental field of vision. It causes, they write, \u201ca state of shortsightedness in which superficially understood, immediate aspects of experience have a disproportionate influence on behavior and emotion.\u201d
\nAlcohol makes the thing in the foreground even more salient and the thing in the background disappear. That\u2019s why drinking makes you think you are attractive when the world thinks otherwise: the alcohol removes the little constraining voice from the outside world that normally keeps our self-assessments in check. Drinking relaxes the man watching football because the game is front and center, and alcohol makes every secondary consideration fade away. But in a quiet bar his problems are front and center\u2014and every potentially comforting or mitigating thought recedes. Drunkenness is not disinhibition. Drunkenness is myopia.
\nMyopia theory changes how we understand drunkenness. Disinhibition suggests that the drinker is increasingly insensitive to his environment\u2014that he is in the grip of an autonomous physiological process. Myopia theory, on the contrary, says that the drinker is, in some respects, increasingly sensitive to his environment: he is at the mercy of whatever is in front of him.
\nA group of Canadian psychologists led by Tara MacDonald recently went into a series of bars and made the patrons read a short vignette. They had to imagine that they had met an attractive person at a bar, walked him or her home, and ended up in bed\u2014only to discover that neither of them had a condom. The subjects were then asked to respond on a scale of one (very unlikely) to nine (very likely) to the proposition: \u201cIf I were in this situation, I would have sex.\u201d You\u2019d think that the subjects who had been drinking heavily would be more likely to say that they would have sex\u2014and that\u2019s exactly what happened. The drunk people came in at 5.36, on average, on the nine-point scale. The sober people came in at 3.91. The drinkers couldn\u2019t sort through the long-term consequences of unprotected sex. But then MacDonald went back to the bars and stamped the hands of some of the patrons with the phrase \u201cAIDS kills.\u201d Drinkers with the hand stamp were slightly less likely than the sober people to want to have sex in that situation: they couldn\u2019t sort through the kinds of rationalizations necessary to set aside the risk of AIDS. Where norms and standards are clear and consistent, the drinker can become more rule-bound than his sober counterpart.
\nIn other words, the frat boys drinking in a bar on a Friday night don\u2019t have to be loud and rowdy. They are responding to the signals sent by their immediate environment\u2014by the pulsing music, by the crush of people, by the dimmed light, by the countless movies and television shows and general cultural expectations that say that young men in a bar with pulsing music on a Friday night have permission to be loud and rowdy. \u201cPersons learn about drunkenness what their societies import to them, and comporting themselves in consonance with these understandings, they become living confirmations of their society\u2019s teachings,\u201d MacAndrew and Edgertonconclude. \u201cSince societies, like individuals, get the sorts of drunken comportment that they allow, they deserve what they get.\u201d
\nThis is what connects the examples of Montero and New Haven. On the face of it, the towns are at opposite ends of the spectrum. The Camba got drunk every weekend on laboratory-grade alcohol. The Italians drank wine, in civil amounts, every day. The Italian example is healthy and laudable. The Camba\u2019s fiestas were excessive and surely took a long-term physical toll. But both communities understood the importance of rules and structure. Camba society, Dwight Heath says, was marked by a singular lack of \u201ccommunal expression.\u201d They were itinerant farmworkers. Kinship ties were weak. Their daily labor tended to be solitary and the hours long. There were few neighborhood or civic groups. Those weekly drinking parties were not chaotic revels; they were the heart of Camba community life. They had a function, and the elaborate rituals\u2014one bottle at a time, the toasting, the sitting in a circle\u2014served to give the Camba\u2019s drinking a clear structure.
\nIn the late nineteen-forties, Phyllis Williams and Robert Straus, two sociologists at Yale, selected ten first- and second-generation Italian-Americans from New Haven to keep diaries detailing their drinking behavior, and their entries show how well that community understood this lesson as well. Here is one of their subjects, Philomena Sappio, a forty-year-old hairdresser from an island in the Bay of Naples, describing what she drank one week in October of 1948:
\nFri.\u2014Today for dinner 4 oz. of wine [noon]. In the evening, I had fish with 8 oz. of wine [6 P.M.].
\nSat.\u2014Today I did not feel like drinking at all. Neither beer nor any other alcohol. I drank coffee and water.
\nSun.\u2014For dinner I made lasagna at noon, and had 8 oz. of wine. In the evening, I had company and took one glass of liqueur [1 oz. strega] with my company. For supper\u2014I did not have supper because I wasn\u2019t hungry.
\nMon.\u2014At dinner I drank coffee, at supper 6 oz. of wine [5 P.M.].
\nTues.\u2014At dinner, 4 oz. wine [noon]. One of my friends and her husband took me and my daughter out this evening in a restaurant for supper. We had a splendid supper. I drank 1 oz. of vermouth [5:30 P.M.] and 12 oz. of wine [6 P.M.].
\nWed.\u2014For dinner, 4 oz. of wine [noon] and for supper 6 oz. of wine [6 P.M.].
\nThurs.\u2014At noon, coffee and at supper, 6 oz. of wine [6 P.M.].
\nFri.\u2014Today at noon I drank orange juice; at supper in the evening [6 P.M.] 8 oz. of wine.
\nSappio drinks almost every day, unless she isn\u2019t feeling well. She almost always drinks wine. She drinks only at mealtimes. She rarely has more than a glass\u2014except on a special occasion, as when she and her daughter are out with friends at a restaurant.
\nHere is another of Williams and Straus\u2019s subjects\u2014Carmine Trotta, aged sixty, born in a village outside Salerno, married to a girl from his village, father of three, proprietor of a small grocery store, resident of an exclusively Italian neighborhood:
\nFri.\u2014I do not generally eat anything for breakfast if I have a heavy supper the night before. I leave out eggnog and only take coffee with whisky because I like to have a little in the morning with coffee or with eggnog or a few crackers.
\nMon.\u2014When I drink whisky before going to bed I always put it in a glass of water. . . .
\nWed.\u2014Today is my day off from business, so I [drank] some beer because it was very hot. I never drink beer when I am working because I don\u2019t like the smell of beer on my breath for my customers.
\nThurs.\u2014Every time that I buy a bottle of whisky I always divide same. One half at home and one half in my shop.
\nSappio and Trotta do not drink for the same purpose as the Camba: alcohol has no larger social or emotional reward. It\u2019s food, consumed according to the same quotidian rhythms as pasta or cheese. But the content of the rules matters less than the fact of the rule, the existence of a drinking regimen that both encourages and constrains alcohol\u2019s use. \u201cI went to visit one of my friends this evening,\u201d Sappio writes. \u201cWe saw television and she offered me 6 oz. of wine to drink, and it was good [9 P.M.].\u201d She did not say that her friend put the bottle on the table or offered her a second glass. Evidently, she brought out one glass of wine for each of them, and they drank together, because one glass is what you had, in the Italian neighborhoods of New Haven, at 9 P.M. while watching television.
\nWhy can\u2019t we all drink like the Italians of New Haven? The flood of immigrants who came to the United States in the nineteenth century brought with them a wealth of cultural models, some of which were clearly superior to the patterns of their new host\u2014and, in a perfect world, the rest of us would have adopted the best ways of the newcomers. It hasn\u2019t worked out that way, though. Americans did not learn to drink like Italians. On the contrary, when researchers followed up on Italian-Americans, they found that by the third and fourth generations they were, increasingly, drinking like everyone else.
\nThere is something about the cultural dimension of social problems that eludes us. When confronted with the rowdy youth in the bar, we are happy to raise his drinking age, to tax his beer, to punish him if he drives under the influence, and to push him into treatment if his habit becomes an addiction. But we are reluctant to provide him with a positive and constructive example of how to drink. The consequences of that failure are considerable, because, in the end, culture is a more powerful tool in dealing with drinking than medicine, economics, or the law. For all we know, Philomena Sappio could have had within her genome a grave susceptibility to alcohol. Because she lived in the protective world of New Haven\u2019s immigrant Italian community, however, it would never have become a problem. Today, she would be at the mercy of her own inherent weaknesses. Nowhere in the multitude of messages and signals sent by popular culture and social institutions about drinking is there any consensus about what drinking is supposed to mean.
\n\u201cMind if I vent for a while?\u201d a woman asks her husband, in one popular\u2014and depressingly typical\u2014beer ad. He is sitting on the couch. She has just come home from work. He replies, \u201cMind? I\u2019d prefer it!\u201d And he jumps up, goes to the refrigerator, and retrieves two cans of Coors Light\u2014a brand that comes with a special vent intended to make pouring the beer easier. \u201cLet\u2019s vent!\u201d he cries out. She looks at him oddly: \u201cWhat are you talking about?\u201d \u201cI\u2019m talking about venting!\u201d he replies, as she turns away in disgust. \u201cWhat are you talking about?\u201d The voice-over intones, \u201cThe vented wide-mouthed can from Coors Light. It lets in air for a smooth, refreshing pour.\u201d Even the Camba, for all their excesses, would never have been so foolish as to pretend that you could have a conversation about drinking and talk only about the can. \u2666
\nMalcolm Gladwell has been a staff writer for the The New Yorker since 1996.
\nTHESE ARE THE QUESTIONS TO BE ANSWERED:
\nQUESTION 1
\nAccording to the article \u201cDrinking Games,\u201d how do cultural values and norms explain behavioral differences between the Camba and college students (referred to as \u201cfrat boys\u201d) who drink heavily? See pages 6-7 for the Camba and page 10 for college students in \u201cDrinking Games.\u201d <\/p>\n
QUESTION 2
\nHow might subcultures explain the difference in drinking behavior between first-generation native born Italian immigrants and third or fourth generation Italian immigrants in New Haven, Connecticut?<\/p>\n
QUESTION 3
\nWhat explains the difference between the subcultures Italian-American and Irish-American drinking behavior? See page 4 \u201cDrinking Games.\u201d <\/p>\n
QUESTION 4
\n1.\tOn page 13 in \u201cDrinking Games,\u201d it states \u201c\u2026culture is a more powerful tool in dealing with drinking than medicine, economics, or the law\u201d Do you think the \u201ctool\u201d referred to relates to the support of mostly informal or formal rewards and sanctions in dealing with the social problems related to heavy drinking? Why? [See page Table 3-1 in Sociology, a Brief Introduction]
\nPART TWO
\nExercise 1:<\/p>\n
QUESTION 1
\n1.\tMatch items to the appropriate cultural and social element related to college.<\/p>\n
1) The purpose of going to college is to learn new ideas and get a diploma.<\/p>\n
2) College is a place to meet a future spouse.<\/p>\n
3) College student.<\/p>\n
4) college-like disposition.<\/p>\n
5) Standard of behavior.<\/p>\n
6) Rules.<\/p>\n
7) How to dress or behave.<\/p>\n
8) Smiling or frowning.<\/p>\n
9) As a high school student you are on your own while as a college student, you are own your own.<\/p>\n
10) Copying from someone’s ideas in college is not permitted while doing the same outside college is ok.
\n\tA.\trole conflict
\nB.\tLatent function
\nC.\tInformal rewards and sanctions
\nD.\tHabitus
\nE.\tSocial role
\nF.\tFormal norm
\nG.\tNorm
\nH.\tNorm conflict
\nI.\tManifest function
\nJ.\tInformal norm<\/p>\n
Exercise 2:<\/p>\n
An exercise that helps you apply Sociological Perspectives in various contexts.
\nPlease choose the most appropriate perspective according to the given statement<\/p>\n
QUESTION 1
\nSchools prepare students to live within, profit from, and contribute to a 21st century global environment marked by diversity, change, and expanded opportunities for learning and growth.<\/p>\n
1.\tFunctional<\/p>\n
2.\tConflict<\/p>\n
3.\tInteraction<\/p>\n
4.\tFeminist<\/p>\n
QUESTION 2
\nStudent behavior mirrors the workplace through its hierarchical structures \u2013 teachers\u2019 give orders and pupils obey. Pupils have little control over their work \u2013 a fact of life in the majority of jobs. Schools reward student behavior such as punctuality and obedience and are dismissive of others such as independence, critical awareness and creativity \u2013 this mirrors workplace expectations in many jobs. <\/p>\n
1.\tFunctional<\/p>\n
2.\tConflict<\/p>\n
3.\tInteractionist<\/p>\n
4.\tFeminist<\/p>\n
QUESTION 3
\nIn Emile Durkheim’s view, educational systems reflect underlying changes in society because the systems are a construct built by society, which naturally seeks to reproduce its collectively held values, beliefs, norms, and conditions through its institutions<\/p>\n
1.\tFunctionalist<\/p>\n
2.\tConflict<\/p>\n
3.\tInteractionist<\/p>\n
4.\tFeminist<\/p>\n
QUESTION 4
\nSchools help spread the myth that everyone has an equal chance \u2013 those that work hard deserve the top jobs, these people deserve their superior rewards (meritocracy). In this way inequality becomes justified.<\/p>\n
1.\tFunctionalist<\/p>\n
2.\tConflict<\/p>\n
3.\tInteractionist<\/p>\n
4.\tFeminist<\/p>\n
QUESTION 5
\nTeachers often have different expectations for females and males. For example, teachers may tend to expect girls to do better in reading and writing and boys to do better in mathematics and science. <\/p>\n
1.\tFunctional<\/p>\n
2.\tConflict<\/p>\n
3.\tInteractionist<\/p>\n
4.\tFeminist<\/p>\n
QUESTION 6
\nTeachers do not interrupt classrooms of other teachers so that authoritative role is maintained in the eyes of students.<\/p>\n
1.\tConflict<\/p>\n
2.\tFunctional<\/p>\n
3.\tInteractionist<\/p>\n
4.\tFeminist<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Instructions: there are two parts for this assignment, part one and two. PART ONE Please read ‘Drinking Games’ by Malcolm Gladwell and answer each question\u2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[7641,8827,10535,10533,10534,10531,10529,6744,10532,10530,7741],"tags":[10553,10549,10616,10615,7687,10254,10627,10104,10247,8857,10552,10295,10900,2984,3903,10548,10622,8901,10551,8907],"class_list":["post-128043","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-australia-essay-writers","category-australia-essays","category-do-my-university-assignment-for-me","category-essay-pro-dissertation-writers","category-homework-help-services-best-websites","category-i-need-help-writing-a-page-paper-assignment","category-masters-essays","category-nursing-studybay","category-pay-someone-to-write-a-paper-for-you","category-website-that-writes-assignments","category-studybay","tag-1-assignment-help-online-service-for-students-in-the-usa","tag-ai-plagiarism-free-essay-writing-tool","tag-australian-best-tutors","tag-best-trans-tutors","tag-buy-essay-uk","tag-can-someone-write-my-assignment-for-me","tag-cheap-dissertation-writer","tag-essypro","tag-help-me-write-my-dissertation","tag-help-with-writing-an-essay","tag-help-write-my-paper-ai-free","tag-homework-for-you","tag-nursing-bay","tag-nursing-essay","tag-nursing-study-bay","tag-online-essay-writers","tag-phd-essays","tag-studbay","tag-write-my-assignment-help-for-college-students","tag-write-my-essay-for-me"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.studyproessays.com\/help\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/128043","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.studyproessays.com\/help\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.studyproessays.com\/help\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.studyproessays.com\/help\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.studyproessays.com\/help\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=128043"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.studyproessays.com\/help\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/128043\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.studyproessays.com\/help\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=128043"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.studyproessays.com\/help\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=128043"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.studyproessays.com\/help\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=128043"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}