Study Bay Coursework Assignment Writing Help<\/p>\n
Critically analyse the assertion that; Young people are framed as perpetrators, but rarely considered as victims, and it is the latter that is needed.<\/p>\n
tABLE OF CONTENTS<\/p>\n
The twentieth anniversary of James Bulger\u2019s death was observed on 12th February 2013. The kidnapping from a shopping mall in Bootle (Merseyside), and murdering of the two-year-old, established an entirely fresh precedent on the way in which juveniles are treated within the Criminal Justice System.\u00a0[1<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0Due to the following \u2018moral panic\u2019, the case received too much public intention, which converted into a movement that commanded Robert Thompson and Jon Venables to be imprisoned forever.\u00a0[2<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0This provided justification to the policy changes, which quickly Helped in reducing the age of criminal accountability to ten. The possibility that children could be victims themselves was disregarded. This essay will demonstrate the role of the media and the justice model in framing the youth in categories that Help in promoting popular thinking regarding a delinquent through \u201cprevailing social values, attitudes, and beliefs\u00e2\u20ac\u00a6[that] change slowly over time and\u00e2\u20ac\u00a6 reshape what people think and believe.\u201d\u00a0[3<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0In essence, the youth are used as \u2018suitable vehicles\u2019 to meet political agenda. This is detrimental to society, as it does not conform to the needs of the \u2018victimised delinquent\u2019. This paper contains, in this regard, an Assessment of the debates around the justice and welfare models, and highlights the urge to develop the latter. The concluding section will state how the politicisation of crime develops a punitive justice system that redefines the youth as the new folk devils. It sees them as perpetrators and not victims. There is a strong need to increasingly consider the youth as victims, as it is only then the benefits of such a \u2018welfare\u2019 model can be experienced.<\/p>\n Debatably, the public\u2019s response towards deteriorating social order permits the introduction of more punitive measures by political parties and policy-makers. This would aid constructing public opinion so that the enforced regulations are justified and legitimised in controlling crime. Such is not a new occurrence. Cohen, in 1964, studied the moral hysteria created by the \u2018Mods and Rockers\u2019,\u00a0[4<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0the shaping of the young black \u2018mugger\u2019 in the 1970s was researched by Hall,\u00a0[5<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0the 1980s focused upon the \u2018punks\u2019, the \u2018hoodies\u2019 emerged in the nineties and the new millennium exposed gang lifestyles.\u00a0[6<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0Nonetheless, Smith and Seuda\u2019s study involved a postmodernist perspective of the Bulger case, which they view as incomparable.\u00a0[7<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0The fact that Bulger was murdered by \u2018Boy A\u2019 and \u2018Boy B\u2019 (both aged ten and not adults) fuelled the country with hate to a level that Britain was seen striving for the blood of Thompson and Venables.\u00a0[8<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0Through negative broadcasting, the media relentlessly sought to further demonise the boys. The media maintained the nation\u2019s hatred and even influenced the removal of the injunction against naming the boys publicly.<\/p>\n The \u2018murderers\u2019 were never promoted as victims themselves. In fact, it became obvious that framing Thompson and Venables was indefinitely an instrument to negate the boys so governmental agendas are met. Being depicted as evil killers of a cute child, both boys confronted masses outside the courts that taunted to \u201chang them\u201d.\u00a0[9<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0The entire focus was on the devastation caused and this justified lowering the criminal responsibility age. Individuals under fourteen were no longer considered to be doli incapax or unable to commit crime.\u00a0[10<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0Before criticising the media\u2019s involvement, it is important to note that framing is not regarded as what the media covers but rather the way in which it does.\u00a0[11<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0Morrison highlights how the media \u201celicit[ed] public sympathy\u201d by, for example, describing the victim as \u201clittle Jamie\u201d.\u00a0[12<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0Such evidently influenced Justice Morland in sentencing the offenders to the compulsory eight years; equivalent to the undefined sentence under section 53(1) of the Children and Young Persons Act 1933. The Judge viewed the crime as \u201c\u00e2\u20ac\u00a6cunning and very wicked\u201d and worthy of being imprisoned for \u201c\u00e2\u20ac\u00a6very, very many years\u201d until maturation. Reflecting ideas of right realists (like American neo-conservative JQ Wilson), which view offenders as \u2018rational\u2019 beings wilfully engaging in criminal behaviour, this ideology has gradually affected policy-making. It is incorrect to generalise children as it is certain that the age of maturity varies.\u00a0[13<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0Also, the judge\u2019s condition of being detained \u201cuntil you have matured\u201d emphasises the view that it is criminal not to have matured by ten. The judge can be regarded as being affected by external reactions. Each case should be decided on its merit, and equal attention should be given to punishing the crime and also dealing with the causes. The latter reflects the need to realise the perpetrators as victims suffering themselves. It is this welfare system that would provide economic and social security to individuals. Punishing the crime does not solve the problem as reoffending statistics highlight,\u00a0[14<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0but rather the causes of crime should be eradicated.<\/p>\n The judge, in the Bulger case, believed that eight years was \u201cvery, very many years\u201d for a ten year old.\u00a0[15<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0However four weeks later, Lord Chief Justice, Lord Taylor of Gosforth wanted to extend it to ten years so it would act as a deterrent. Nonetheless, such would again fall short of the author\u2019s argument that queries how a young mentally disturbed immature person could weigh up the consequence of his actions in such circumstances. It is not, for one second, being suggested to forgive murderers, but rather the state should recognise them also as victims and act to prevent future generations from suffering to the extent where they see such violent acts as rational. From a neutral perspective, it is apparent that the framing process provides a carte blanche to policy-makers to increase punishments and satisfy the community\u2019s punitive urge. The Home Secretary, Michael Howard, was equipped with thousands of cuttings from the Sun\u2019s movement steered by Bulger\u2019s parents to extend the sentencing to \u2018whole life\u2019. In 1994, Howard increased it to fifteen years to calm the apprehensive public.\u00a0[16<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0Such a move prohibited the recognition of the perpetrators as victims. It is evident that the victim\u2019s family were stressed and wanted revenge, but if this request is completely adhered to by the state, this would detract completely from the welfare model and what is left is a system of solely crime and punishment. This is not a preventive model and would be ineffective in tackling problems faced by young offenders. Such has been supported by the English Court of Appeal\u00a0[17<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0and the majority in the House of Lords,\u00a0[18<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0who banned the ability of policymakers in deciding sentencing. Furthermore in T v UK and V v UK,\u00a0[19<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0the European Court of Human Rights rightly recognised the unfair trial that resulted from the negative public opinion injected by the media. Lord Woolf cancelled the increased sentence and viewed the YOIs as too harsh. The boys were released with new identities after serving the original eight years. James Bulger\u2019s mother warned the public to watch out for any unknown eighteen year olds residing in their area and advised that \u201c[t]hey got away with murder\u2026[and to] do what you can to get them out because they\u2019re still dangerous. I know they\u2019ll kill again\u201d.\u00a0[20<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0Being allowed to make defamatory assertions illustrates the framing process to be intact. Also, there was clearly no appreciation of the work in rehabilitating the offenders so they are not seen as a threat in community.\u00a0[21<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0However, if it was given attention in the press then this, consequently, would have offended the victim\u2019s family.\u00a0[22<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0This is irrational. It is important to promote, to a certain extent, such rehabilitation work so it can educate the nation as to risks associated with disadvantaged children. This obviously will lower crime rates in the long run as crime-inducing factors would be dealt with; this is why Morrison argues the illogicality by questioning whether its \u201c\u00e2\u20ac\u00a6possible to imagine a place where the rehabilitation of lost and damaged children would be a matter for celebration, not outrage?\u201d However, too much attention would prove harmful, as this would promote a lenient criminal justice model catering to reform the young. Convinced to be looked after, \u2018immature\u2019 individuals would commit crime. To be effective, the system employed should advertise both the stringent sentencing powers along with the welfare measures. But obviously, it is necessary for offenders to be classified as victims first.<\/p>\n Outlining the James Bulger case was not simply due to its significance to present-day English and Welsh penal policy, but moreover to compare it with how other nations deal with the issue. Soon after, there was another murder that resembled the Bulger case.\u00a0[23<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0Here, a six-year-old boy, along with two boys aged five, murdered five-year-old girl called Siljie.\u00a0[24<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0Nonetheless even though she lost her daughter, the mother forgave \u201c\u00e2\u20ac\u00a6the ones who killed\u00e2\u20ac\u00a6 It is not possible to hate small children. They can\u2019t understand the consequences\u201d.\u00a0[25<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0The offenders returned to normal schooling within two weeks and identities continue to be confidential.\u00a0[26<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0They were not punished strictly but were initially seen by psychologists and welfare specialists. Obviously, the individuals were confronted with hardship but rather \u201c\u00e2\u20ac\u00a6care, support, guidance and counselling\u201d was encouraged.\u00a0[27<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0Such was not overtly welcomed in the Bulger case.<\/p>\n A welfare model operated in Norway. Many scholars began to Question Assignment the way in which one society strives towards the \u2018whole life\u2019 punishment, whilst another favours implanting offenders back into their normal lives and hoping they will recover from events as if they were victimised.\u00a0[28<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a029Both these approaches represent the two extremes of the spectrum. Norway is seen as soft on crime whereas embracing the harsh method of England and Wales would be disadvantageous in understanding crime. A hybrid adoption would serve well; whereby deserving punishment is given and also the offenders are recognised, overtly and impartially, as victims so society can be \u2018cured\u2019 and not merely punished.<\/p>\n The right realist policies are far greater retributory in nature than those of other EU States.\u00a0[30<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a031A political economy has an impact upon the methods of framing certain individuals not least to imprison them in the assurance of a present societal unanimity that would not Question Assignment it. A platform was offered to Tony Blair who manipulated Bulger\u2019s death to attack the Conservative reign, which Marxism stated catered the desires of the elite.\u00a0[32<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0As elections approached, Thatcher demanded the removal of \u201canarchy and violence\u201d from society. After Bulger, Blair was also seen asserting there to be \u201csomething\u00e2\u20ac\u00a6 very sick at the heart of our society\u201d.\u00a0[33<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0These statements are evidences of the use of juvenile crime to reach governmental agendas.\u00a0[34<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0Furthermore, it also enables the introduction of more crime control methods that, along with attracting voters to political manifestos, moves away from the model of due process.\u00a0[35<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0The focus is on punishing crime rather than ultimately understanding it. It shifts towards a model that fails to recognise criminals as individuals with rights, and even a history of victimisation themselves.<\/p>\n There have been rare instances where attention has been given to juvenile delinquents, as hinted in the title. Immediately after Bulger\u2019s death, Home Secretary Kenneth Clarke proposed reforms that established new YOIs to support twelve to fourteen year-olds. These ran parallel with retributive programmes.\u00a0[36<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0Although this depicts the justice methodology, the Bulger case did eventually Question Assignment parental duties, increased state intervention and rehabilitation schemes within the framework of YOTs; diverting offenders from custodial sentencing to reparation with the sufferer and alternatively face community punishments. All questions were soon answered by the Crime and Disorder Act 1998. Nonetheless, the guidelines included have differing impacts on the procedures adopted by \u2018welfare\u2019 performers as opposed to those of the justice approach. The year 1998 also introduced policies such as ASBO\u2019s, Parenting Orders, Dispersal Orders, Behaviour Agreements, Detention and Curfews.\u00a0[37<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0However, despite being introduced to support them, the policies rather went on to adversely affect those appearing before the developing YOTs.\u00a0[38<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0This is correct where multi-agency policies are intrinsic in programmes where society decides the juvenile\u2019s consequence. Nonetheless when based upon \u2018evidence\u2019 from quantitative research, there are problems since it claims that actors should closely follow procedures that are known to be successful. As seen in Section 93 of the Powers of Criminal Courts (Sentencing) Act 2000,<\/p>\n \u201c[w]here a person aged under 21 is convicted of murder\u00e2\u20ac\u00a6 the court shall sentence him to custody for life unless he is liable to be detained under section 90 above.\u201d<\/p>\n In the words of John Pitts, \u201cwe are far too concerned with their deeds and uninterested in their needs\u201d.\u00a0[39<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0<\/p>\n Contrary to the view expressed in the title, there have been attempts to unite justice and welfare to generate a more caring yet regulating attitude. This supports the idea that even though the individual is responsible for his action, the system does acknowledge the victimisation of that delinquent. For example, the restorative justice model enabled \u2018offender victim mediations\u2019 whereby the offender meets the sufferer, apologises, displays sorrow and advances towards reparation. Such encounters are done with a volunteer who would, Helped by a script, monitor the procedure into a reasonable conclusion.\u00a0[40<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0<\/p>\n This was a great move but gradually, right wing views were injected into community sanctions and, as it became associated with custodial punishments, this defeated the objective. The proposed multi-agency system was further disordered with bifurcating approaches of the actors; largely police officers who are bias towards the youth (especially those from black\/ethnic minorities). Feilzer and Hood, who discovered African-Carribean juveniles as being disproportionately represented in the youth justice system, have supported this assertion.\u00a0[41<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0This can be explained by Hall et al and their study into the framing of black youths in Handsworth (Birmingham).\u00a0[42<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0The delinquency is dissimilar but the manner in which the media reacted, and policy amendments that followed, is largely comparable. Three black youths attacked a male in 1973 and such a street crime would result in a six months sentence. However, they were found for a \u2018new\u2019 crime called \u2018mugging\u2019.\u00a0[43<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0The media exaggerated and labelled all \u2018black\u2019 men as \u2018muggers\u2019. This helped justify (following the 2011 UK riots) strategies like \u2018stop and search\u2019 and \u2018sus\u2019 laws contained in Code A of PACE (Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984) whereby, in absence of reasonable basis, black men could be stopped.\u00a0[44<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0Here also, photos of the offenders, one aged sixteen and two aged fifteen, were all over tabloids. Eventually, the oldest received twenty years of imprisonment and ten years were given to the other two.\u00a0[45<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0Ultimately, the framing of the individuals, who were accountable for a lesser crime, initiated riots that consequently helped justify the severe punishments, police conduct and discretion. This can develop into a vicious cycle and would result in harsher forms of punishment that are justified with more severe \u2018criminal movements\u2019. Such can be prevented through actually treating the causes of criminality by, as this paper argues, increasingly identifying youths as victims themselves.<\/p>\n The so-called \u2018developments\u2019 in law are a result of children being used (as \u2018suitable vehicles\u2019) to construct media exaggerations even though children murdering children is not a new phenomenon. This in turn questions why previous practices of criminal justice were overwritten by Bulger. It was to distract the viewer from considering the youth as victims. In the case, Justice Morland questioned how \u201c\u00e2\u20ac\u00a6two mentally normal boys aged 10 of average intelligence committed this terrible crime is very hard to comprehend\u201d.\u00a0[46<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0It\u2019s obvious. They were mentally unstable as they were victims of brutality. Although \u2018experts\u2019 evaluated them to be \u2018mature enough\u2019 for an adult trial, they were not. In Norway, they would have been impartially recognised as victims, treated and sent back into their normal lives. Norway\u2019s intentional homicide rates are exceptionally low with a rate of 0.6, as opposed to UK\u2019s 1.2, per hundred thousand in 2009.\u00a0[47<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0Norway\u2019s focus on rehabilitation is surely effective as seen in its low crime rate. The UK needs to increasingly consider the youth today as victims. This, in the long run, will address UK\u2019s problem of rising criminal behaviour.<\/p>\n It is essential to understand the victimisation of youth as this would display societal defects that need attention. The first of three ways in which steps can be taken to avert juveniles from criminal conduct is by using Asset; where risks and defending factors are analysed to estimate the \u2018needs\u2019 and improve matters of schooling, parenting, deficiencies or bullying for example.\u00a0[48<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0Secondly, YOTs must concentrate on both the victim and offender. Where the community punishment is ineffective, the offender appears in court but the juvenile\u2019s interests are at the heart of the process.\u00a0[49<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0The other factor comprises of the monitoring order where checks are made to prevent re-offending, and also encourage attainment of goals. It is essential that such be actually followed through for reasons highlighted in this paper. However, history has taught us the opposite. In fact, the aftermath of Tony Blair\u2019s landslide victory did not prohibit the victimisation of vulnerable juveniles. Under Blair\u2019s government, the initial nine years created 3,023 criminal offences and these mostly were associated with regulating the youth.\u00a0[50<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0Such an attitude is reflected with the positivist views enshrined in today\u2019s policy-making in support of crime control and policies promoting words like \u2018Zero Tolerance\u2019 and \u2018Three Strikes\u2019. These openly conflict with the much-needed care of the welfare model.<\/p>\n The main objective of introducing the Youth Justice System was to merge the justice and welfare models to tackle juvenile delinquency.\u00a0[51<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0It aimed to understand juvenile offending and also punish the youth as adults, to offer protection to society. The equilibrium has not obviously been met and the United Nations Committee on the Rights of a Child was \u201cextremely concerned\u201d regarding the level of juvenile poverty in UK and described teen pregnancy and homelessness as its main concerns.\u00a0[52<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0This highlights the inability of children to enjoy normal lifestyles and instead, resort to crime to fulfil basic requirements. It is necessary to primarily identify the youth as victims so that such issues can be addressed. In the YJB questionnaires for instance, 71% participants from college\/school believe family members cared about them. Since they were questionnaires, interviewer bias was not relevant but this percentage is definitely an overrepresentation with children being inclined to answer positively. At least 29% were overtly not feeling protected; this is detrimental and needs to be recognised. Also when asked whether they \u201cstay away from home without asking\u201d,\u00a0[53<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a073% denied this \u2013 similarly another overrepresentation.<\/p>\n Overall, \u201clocal authorities across the country are failing to provide proper assessments and care plans for vulnerable children\u201d.\u00a0[54<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0This was seen in the Joseph Scholes case. Said to be well-mannered yet vulnerable by social workers, Scholes resided with mother Yvonne after a custody dispute.\u00a0[55<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0Scholes had also experienced sexual abuse from an early age and this transformed into self-harming. After being handed into care, Scholes would go out and get drunk with friends. On one occasion, an assault and a theft of a mobile occurred. Despite being a spectator, Scholes was arrested since he was \u201clook[ing] after\u201d the stolen phone.\u00a0[56<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0Scholes became tensed and inflicted self-harm by slitting furiously his face using knives. Scholes\u2019 difficulties were discussed and all relevant documents were presented by psychiatrists, social workers and YOTs, which proposed non-custodial sentencing owing to Scholes\u2019 suicidal tendency.\u00a0[57<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0The problem however was that the defendant pleaded guilty even though he was innocent to \u2018all intent and purpose\u2019.\u00a0[58<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0The judge stressed his inability to depart from Lord Woolf \u2018s standpoint that every street robbery must \u201creceive immediate custodial\u201d sentencing.\u00a0[59<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0He received a two-year custodial sentence.\u00a0[60<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0Furthermore, a deficit in placements compelled the Board to situate Scholes at Stoke Heath Youth Offending Institution, where he needed care but only received a piece to cover his stripped body. After being shifted to the Health Care Wing, Scholes was found dead hanging from the window bars just nine days into his punishment. The observance of stringent rules has proved detrimental again. Research by Ofsted identified fifty cases where<\/p>\n \u201c\u00e2\u20ac\u00a6professionals [failed] to see the situation from the child\u2019s perspective\u00e2\u20ac\u00a6 to see and speak to the children; to listen\u00e2\u20ac\u00a6 to observe\u00e2\u20ac\u00a6 to take serious account of their views\u00e2\u20ac\u00a6 supporting their needs is probably the single most consistent failure in safeguarding work with children\u201d.\u00a0[61<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0<\/p>\n Following the critical analysis of the assertion, it is obvious that the youth are largely seen as perpetrators of crime. The consideration towards the idea that the youth can be victimised is required in contemporary society to ensure the individual is protected as seen in the \u2018Buffer Model\u2019 \u2013 examined by Armstrong et al (2005). This paper relied upon the controversial debate surrounding the justice and welfare models. The author supports the view that the justice system should be relaxed to the point where the welfare model can be most effective. After all, an association found upon trust and care with individual Helpance is much more economical and successful than imprisoning mentally scarred juveniles away from their lives. Framing individuals creates stereotypes, which promote negatively shaped identities.\u00a0[62<\/a>]<\/span>\u00a0This can be disadvantageous to \u2018offenders\u2019 and ultimately disorders society further. Every case needs to be viewed as different from one another and, where victimisation of the offender is recognisable, it must be identified and treated. Also, external factors, such as the media, should not be allowed to influence. It is only then the problems from a custodial sentence can be avoided and most importantly, the welfare model can function at its best. Realistically however, although there is a much greater need to consider the youth as victims, the use of children as \u2018suitable vehicles\u2019 to meet political plans makes it highly unlikely for such recognition in today\u2019s society.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Study Bay Coursework Assignment Writing Help Critically analyse the assertion that; Young people are framed as perpetrators, but rarely considered as victims, and it is\u2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[7641,8827,10535,10533,10534,10531,10529,6744,10532,10530,7741],"tags":[10553,10549,10616,10615,7687,10254,10627,10104,10247,8857,10552,10295,10900,2984,3903,10548,10622,8901,10551,8907],"class_list":["post-129601","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-australia-essay-writers","category-australia-essays","category-do-my-university-assignment-for-me","category-essay-pro-dissertation-writers","category-homework-help-services-best-websites","category-i-need-help-writing-a-page-paper-assignment","category-masters-essays","category-nursing-studybay","category-pay-someone-to-write-a-paper-for-you","category-website-that-writes-assignments","category-studybay","tag-1-assignment-help-online-service-for-students-in-the-usa","tag-ai-plagiarism-free-essay-writing-tool","tag-australian-best-tutors","tag-best-trans-tutors","tag-buy-essay-uk","tag-can-someone-write-my-assignment-for-me","tag-cheap-dissertation-writer","tag-essypro","tag-help-me-write-my-dissertation","tag-help-with-writing-an-essay","tag-help-write-my-paper-ai-free","tag-homework-for-you","tag-nursing-bay","tag-nursing-essay","tag-nursing-study-bay","tag-online-essay-writers","tag-phd-essays","tag-studbay","tag-write-my-assignment-help-for-college-students","tag-write-my-essay-for-me"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.studyproessays.com\/help\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/129601","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.studyproessays.com\/help\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.studyproessays.com\/help\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.studyproessays.com\/help\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.studyproessays.com\/help\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=129601"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.studyproessays.com\/help\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/129601\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.studyproessays.com\/help\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=129601"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.studyproessays.com\/help\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=129601"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.studyproessays.com\/help\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=129601"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}The Consequence Of The Bulger Case<\/h2>\n
The Norwegian Example<\/h2>\n
Political Platform<\/h2>\n
The UK\u2019s \u2018Attempts\u2019 To Go \u2018Welfare\u2019<\/h2>\n
Case Study: Joseph Scholes<\/h2>\n
Conclusion<\/h2>\n