22 contexts.org<\/p>\n
by prudence l. carter<\/p>\n
EDUCATION\u2019S<\/p>\n
LIMITATIONS<\/p>\n
AND ITS<\/p>\n
RADICAL<\/p>\n
POSSIBILITIES<\/p>\n
http:\/\/crossmark.crossref.org\/dialog\/?doi=10.1177%2F1536504218776956&domain=pdf&date_stamp=2018-06-07
\n23S P R I N G 2 0 1 8 c o n t e x t s<\/p>\n
In U.S. society, racial and class inequality are twin social<\/p>\n
phenomena\u2014more fraternal than identical, distinctive yet<\/p>\n
deeply interconnected. One can barely make inferences about<\/p>\n
the former without consideration of the latter. Yet, many of us<\/p>\n
frequently pit race and class and their related brethren\u2014racism,<\/p>\n
bias, prejudice, poverty, unemployment, and discrimination\u2014<\/p>\n
against each other as if they are locked in a winner-take-all<\/p>\n
competition. Noticeably, the spectrum of the color line (to invoke<\/p>\n
W.E.B. Du Bois\u2019 metaphor) corresponds to certain gradations<\/p>\n
of the class line. Particular racial-ethnic groups are represented<\/p>\n
disproportionately and overwhelmingly in the lowest household<\/p>\n
income strata of our society; and other groups in the highest.<\/p>\n
For example, data from the National Center for Poverty based<\/p>\n
at Columbia University reveal that among children ages 18 or<\/p>\n
younger who live in either low-income or poor households, nearly<\/p>\n
two out of three African American, Native American, and Latinx<\/p>\n
youth live at or below 200% of the poverty line, compared to less<\/p>\n
than one out of three of their Asian and White peers. That is to<\/p>\n
say, the descendants of those who faced slavery, settler colonial-<\/p>\n
ism, genocide, and conquest, respectively, fare worse centuries<\/p>\n
later than the descendants of White colonialists and the progeny<\/p>\n
of many post-1965 East and South Asian immigrants. This radical<\/p>\n
disproportionality is what some sociologists have referred to as<\/p>\n
the \u201ccolors of poverty\u201d or even the \u201cracialization of poverty.\u201d<\/p>\n
Contexts, Vol. 17, Issue 2, pp. 22-27. ISSN 1536-5042, electronic ISSN 1537-6052. \u00a92018 American Sociological Association. http:\/\/contexts.sagepub.com. DOI 10.1177\/1536504218776956<\/p>\n
Ph il<\/p>\n
R o ed<\/p>\n
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Even in so-called good schools and neighborhoods, the achievement and mobility outcomes for Black and Brown youth are lower than for their White peers.<\/p>\n
https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1177\/1536504218776956
\n24 contexts.org<\/p>\n
The spectrum and colors of affluence are different. In 2015,<\/p>\n
Forbes magazine reported that the top 400 wealthiest Whites in<\/p>\n
the United States possess a cumulative worth of $ 2.34 trillion.<\/p>\n
Those 400 White Americans\u2019 wealth is nearly 1.5 times that of<\/p>\n
all 16 million African American households ($1.56 trillion) and<\/p>\n
1.3 times that of all 15 million Latinx households ($1.82 trillion).<\/p>\n
Naturally, some might counter that differences in either human<\/p>\n
capital or education can explain these expansive and jarring dif-<\/p>\n
ferences in wealth and income. But, even when we control for<\/p>\n
education, we find that the wealth of college-educated Whites<\/p>\n
is more than 13 times greater than college-educated Blacks<\/p>\n
and Latinx. In fact, Whites without a high school degree have<\/p>\n
significantly more wealth, on average, than Black and Latinx<\/p>\n
college graduates.<\/p>\n
American history, its racial origins, and its political and eco-<\/p>\n
nomic systems created and currently sustain startling racialized<\/p>\n
economic and educational disparities. As historian Ira Katznelson<\/p>\n
laid out compellingly in his book, When Affirmation Action Was<\/p>\n
White: An Untold History of Racial Inequality in Twentieth-Cen-<\/p>\n
tury America, our society missed an opportune time to redress<\/p>\n
some of its grossest distortions of citizenship, rights, and access<\/p>\n
from prior historic eras. For the most part, contemporary middle<\/p>\n
and high school textbooks depict the most myopic views of our<\/p>\n
collective history of slavery, settler colonialism, conquest, and<\/p>\n
Jim Crow, raising little awareness of how government and civil<\/p>\n
society worked cohesively to maintain de jure forms of inequal-<\/p>\n
ity for centuries, let alone how the impact of this profound<\/p>\n
inequality has spread well into the current era. Meanwhile, the<\/p>\n
historical accumulation of disadvantages impacts the educational<\/p>\n
well-being of the youth who now populate the nation\u2019s public<\/p>\n
schools. Many of these young people will lack college-readiness;<\/p>\n
others barely will obtain a high school diploma.<\/p>\n
In Excellence: Can We Be Equal and Excellent, Too?, John W.<\/p>\n
Gardner, former secretary of the Department of Health, Educa-<\/p>\n
tion, and Welfare under President Lyndon B. Johnson, predicted<\/p>\n
that equal education and opportunity will continue to be favored<\/p>\n
by most Americans. Yet, to really achieve this, \u201cit requires the<\/p>\n
removal of every removable obstacle\u201d including prejudice and<\/p>\n
status and wealth inequality. Gardner\u2019s words are just as relevant<\/p>\n
30 years after they were written. Many of us purport to believe<\/p>\n
in \u201cequality of opportunity,\u201d but have we really thought deeply<\/p>\n
about what it takes to enact the practices necessary to realize it?<\/p>\n
Economist Raj Chetty and his fellow researchers have found<\/p>\n
that the chances for intergenerational mobility\u2014as measured by<\/p>\n
children and parents\u2019 relative positions in the income distribu-<\/p>\n
tion\u2014remain roughly constant. Children born today have the<\/p>\n
same prospects for rising from the bottom to the top quintile of<\/p>\n
household incomes as those born in the 1970s. Those born into<\/p>\n
poor and working poor families have less than a 10% chance, on<\/p>\n
average, of reaching the upper quintile of earnings\u2014although,<\/p>\n
according to Chetty and colleagues, their chances vary by region.<\/p>\n
If you were born into the bottom quintile of household incomes in<\/p>\n
San Jose, California, for instance, then you have a higher chance of<\/p>\n
making it up to the top than if you were born in Charlotte, North<\/p>\n
Carolina. The economists also find that the chances for mobility<\/p>\n
are higher in communities with less residential segregation, less<\/p>\n
income inequality, better primary schools, greater social capital,<\/p>\n
and greater family stability. For brevity\u2019s sake, let\u2019s refer to these<\/p>\n
as the \u201copportunity-rich neighborhoods\u201d.<\/p>\n
In March 2018, the New York Times covered some of<\/p>\n
Chetty and company\u2019s latest findings. Along with economist<\/p>\n
Nathaniel Hendren and Census Bureau researchers Maggie<\/p>\n
Jones and Sonya Porter, Chetty analyzed the tax and census<\/p>\n
records of over 20 million individuals born between 1978-<\/p>\n
1983 in the U.S. They found that living in \u201copportunity-rich<\/p>\n
neighborhoods,\u201d though impactful, is<\/p>\n
insufficient to fully close the intergen-<\/p>\n
erational mobility gap between Blacks<\/p>\n
and Whites\u2014especially among males. In<\/p>\n
fact, the intergenerational mobility gap<\/p>\n
between Black and White youth born<\/p>\n
into the highest quintile households is<\/p>\n
greater than that between their coun-<\/p>\n
terparts born in the lowest quintile. As<\/p>\n
adults, Black males born at the top and liv-<\/p>\n
ing in \u201copportunity-rich neighborhoods\u201d<\/p>\n
are equally as likely to fall into the bot-<\/p>\n
tom income quintile as they are to remain in the top quintile.<\/p>\n
Meanwhile, White males born into the top household income<\/p>\n
quintiles are five times as likely as Black males to remain there<\/p>\n
as adults. Strikingly, Black women earn slightly more in the next<\/p>\n
generation (at a 1 percentile difference) than White women,<\/p>\n
conditional on parental income.<\/p>\n
The intergenerational mobility gap between Native Ameri-<\/p>\n
cans and Whites is akin to that of African Americans to Whites,<\/p>\n
averaging about an 18 percentile point difference at each income<\/p>\n
level, conditional on parent incomes. This pattern does not hold<\/p>\n
for any other comparisons of racial-ethnic groups. Between<\/p>\n
Asians and Whites, the intergenerational mobility gaps are tiny,<\/p>\n
and analyses reveal that Asians obtain similar and even higher<\/p>\n
incomes than Whites in the next generation at nearly every par-<\/p>\n
ent income level. And Latinx persons are not far behind with<\/p>\n
A fundamental and philosophical purpose of public education is to grow generations of literate, critically thinking, creative, civically engaged students who work to edify and build a cohesive nation and democracy. Somewhere in the social system, this purpose has faltered.<\/p>\n
25S P R I N G 2 0 1 8 c o n t e x t s<\/p>\n
small intergenerational gaps of 2 percentiles at<\/p>\n
the 25th percentile and 6 percentiles at the 75th<\/p>\n
percentile.<\/p>\n
One of the most dramatic findings from<\/p>\n
Chetty et al. is the magnitude of the gap between<\/p>\n
Black and White males living in \u201copportunity-<\/p>\n
rich\u201d neighborhood contexts. Like any good<\/p>\n
social scientists, Chetty and his coauthors tested<\/p>\n
the conventional explanations offered by sociolo-<\/p>\n
gists and economists, including the influence of<\/p>\n
educational attainment, neighborhood effects,<\/p>\n
family structure (specifically the presence of mar-<\/p>\n
ried, heterosexual parents), and even wealth (as<\/p>\n
measured by home ownership). Such analyses<\/p>\n
showed that the intergenerational gap would fall<\/p>\n
by 25%, at most, if Black and White boys were<\/p>\n
to grow up in the same neighborhoods. Even<\/p>\n
after accounting for all of these possible explana-<\/p>\n
tions\u2014education, neighborhood, parents\u2019 marital<\/p>\n
status, and wealth\u2014the intergenerational mobil-<\/p>\n
ity gap between Black and White males persists.<\/p>\n
Notably, the incarceration rates for Black<\/p>\n
men on a single given day at 10.6% ranged any-<\/p>\n
where from twice as likely as Native American<\/p>\n
men (the group with the next highest rate of<\/p>\n
incarceration) to about 10,000 times more likely<\/p>\n
than Asian American women (the group with<\/p>\n
incarceration rates of less than .001 percent). All<\/p>\n
other groups fell somewhere in between, including<\/p>\n
Black women at 0.6% and White men at 1.6%<\/p>\n
Class matters, too: Black men from the lowest<\/p>\n
income backgrounds were incarcerated at the<\/p>\n
highest levels with 21% locked either in jail or<\/p>\n
prison at the time of the 2010 Census\u2014a rate ten times greater<\/p>\n
than those of Black men from the highest income percentile.<\/p>\n
Incarceration patterns by race and gender mirror the patterns<\/p>\n
of disproportionality in suspensions and expulsions in schools.<\/p>\n
Recently released data from the General Accounting Office and<\/p>\n
the Office of Civil Rights reveal that Black males experience signifi-<\/p>\n
cantly higher rates of suspensions and expulsions than any other<\/p>\n
group\u2014a precursor to what is now commonly referred to as the<\/p>\n
\u201cschool-to-prison pipeline.\u201d In general, Black youth\u2014males and<\/p>\n
females\u2014as well as LGBTQ youth and students with disabilities are<\/p>\n
suspended at disproportionately high rates. Furthermore, studies<\/p>\n
show that young Black children are suspended more often from<\/p>\n
pre-school and kindergarten, and thus criminalized as early as<\/p>\n
young as age 4 or 5. Apparently, many Black preschool children<\/p>\n
are not granted the developmental benefit of the doubt that<\/p>\n
mischief and naughtiness bestow. Their bodies and behaviors are<\/p>\n
read differently in schools, and, in the long run, they may suffer<\/p>\n
from it academically, materially, spiritually, and physically.<\/p>\n
What does social science research tell us already about the<\/p>\n
social status and experiences of Black males that would engender<\/p>\n
such disparate findings in mobility and well-being? Addressing<\/p>\n
this question requires intersectional analyses that recognize<\/p>\n
how gendered forces operate in society. For myriad reasons,<\/p>\n
high school drop-out rates and college attendance rates are<\/p>\n
significantly lower and greater, respectively, for females across<\/p>\n
all racial-ethnic groups. Thus, the interactions of race, class, and<\/p>\n
gender most likely influence the differences between Black men<\/p>\n
and women in both academic and economic outcomes.<\/p>\n
In my first book, Keepin\u2019 It Real, I shared that adolescent<\/p>\n
Black and Latinx boys explained to me why they perceived that<\/p>\n
it was more difficult for them to obtain service jobs than for<\/p>\n
their sisters and female peers. Even then in the mid-1990s,<\/p>\n
economist Harry Holzer had found that among Blacks, the hir-<\/p>\n
ing of females instead of males increased with the number of<\/p>\n
tasks performed and credentials required, although both groups\u2019<\/p>\n
hiring percentages were significantly and strikingly lower than<\/p>\n
their White counterparts\u2019. In addition, the probability to be hired<\/p>\n
was greater for Black females than males when the job required<\/p>\n
A u th<\/p>\n
o r<\/p>\n
co u rt<\/p>\n
es y<\/p>\n
26 contexts.org<\/p>\n
customer contact. Some of these differences may owe to the<\/p>\n
actual feminization of certain job sectors; there are more females<\/p>\n
than males in clerical and sales jobs. These patterns might also<\/p>\n
occur because of the differences in occupational choices by<\/p>\n
gender. Black males\u2014as the research of scholars such as Elijah<\/p>\n
Anderson and Khalil Gibran Muhammad inform us\u2014are read<\/p>\n
as threatening with a propensity for criminality; and the media<\/p>\n
remind us far too frequently how that plays out on the streets<\/p>\n
with police. Some\u2014Philando Castile, Stephon Clark, Terence<\/p>\n
Crutcher, Eric Garner, and Alton Sterling, to name a few\u2014are<\/p>\n
surveilled, disproportionately suspected of engagement in illicit<\/p>\n
behaviors by police, and killed for no other apparent reason other<\/p>\n
than they are perceived as dangerous Black men.<\/p>\n
The descriptive incarceration statistics from the Chetty et<\/p>\n
al. study hint at something pervasive in the ethos of our society.<\/p>\n
Yet, the limitations of the available data did not allow them to<\/p>\n
prove it. Although we learn that low racial bias among Whites<\/p>\n
reduces the mobility gap to some extent, Chetty and colleagues\u2019<\/p>\n
measure of racial bias is, by their own admission, not necessarily<\/p>\n
the best or most reliable. Thus, we can only infer that racism<\/p>\n
accounts for some intergenerational mobility gaps. The Chetty<\/p>\n
study leaves us begging for more as it invokes the question of<\/p>\n
how researchers can more fully capture how disparate racial<\/p>\n
forces (also disproportionately and intimately entangled with<\/p>\n
poverty and low levels of employment) afflict the daily lived<\/p>\n
experiences of Black people in the U.S.<\/p>\n
Certainly, not all racially marginalized and economically<\/p>\n
disadvantaged youth fail to reach the higher rungs of academic<\/p>\n
success and mobility. In fact, a critical number will sail the winds<\/p>\n
of upward mobility by entering the doors of higher education.<\/p>\n
Many will enter a stratified higher education system via com-<\/p>\n
munity colleges, and as Tressie McMillan Cottom\u2019s best-selling<\/p>\n
book, Lower Ed, documents, via for-profit colleges, which enroll<\/p>\n
Latinx and first-generation college students disproportionately<\/p>\n
and dominate in the production of Black bachelor\u2019s degree hold-<\/p>\n
ers. In contrast, U.S. flagship public universities, especially some<\/p>\n
elite ones, underserve many of its most marginalized students.<\/p>\n
In California, Proposition 209 prohibits state institutions from<\/p>\n
considering race, ethnicity, or sex, specifically in the areas of<\/p>\n
public employment, contracting, and education; the driving<\/p>\n
principle behind political support for Prop. 209 is the equivalence<\/p>\n
of access and fairness, based on test-score measures.<\/p>\n
Surely, there is absolutely nothing wrong with fairness. But<\/p>\n
let\u2019s face the facts: our society asks students with widely disparate<\/p>\n
ecological contexts of life\u2014in terms of exposure to poverty, racism,<\/p>\n
and other forms of disadvantage\u2014to compete similarly. Those<\/p>\n
contexts are associated with test score outcomes. Sociologist Sean<\/p>\n
Reardon and colleagues have examined every school district in the<\/p>\n
U.S. and found that the correlation between the median wealth<\/p>\n
of a district and its test score median is roughly .85. Test scores<\/p>\n
increasingly reflect socioeconomic status and material wealth.<\/p>\n
Achievement gaps in school districts reflect opportunity gaps.<\/p>\n
Even when African American, Latinx, and Native American<\/p>\n
students are on the upward mobility track and attend \u201cgood\u201d<\/p>\n
schools or, in the case of Blacks, live in opportunity-rich neigh-<\/p>\n
borhoods, as the big-data studies of Chetty, Reardon, and<\/p>\n
colleagues indicate, something malevolent still impedes their<\/p>\n
chances for true equal opportunity within those resource-rich<\/p>\n
contexts. These studies and others (including mine) find that<\/p>\n
even in so-called good schools and neighborhoods, the achieve-<\/p>\n
ment and mobility outcomes for Black and Brown youth are<\/p>\n
lower than their White peers, even if they perform and fare<\/p>\n
relatively better than their co-ethnic peers in poorer contexts.<\/p>\n
Additionally, as MacArthur award winner and social psychologist<\/p>\n
Jennifer Richeson and her colleagues reveal, when racial and<\/p>\n
ethnic diversity increases in education or elsewhere, often the<\/p>\n
sense of group threat and entitlement increases.<\/p>\n
The most visible, contemporary examples of this are the<\/p>\n
highly ethnocentric, populist campaign and election of Donald<\/p>\n
Trump as President of the United States and the controversial<\/p>\n
(and costly) free speech events held on various university cam-<\/p>\n
puses in the year since his inauguration. Last fall, the nation\u2019s<\/p>\n
attention was roused by the tragic events in Charlottesville.<\/p>\n
Some of us could not believe our eyes as neo-Nazis and White<\/p>\n
supremacists\u2014many men dressed in business casual khakis<\/p>\n
and buttoned-down shirts\u2014marched across the University of<\/p>\n
Virginia campus, shouting \u201cblood and soil\u201d and \u201cJews will not<\/p>\n
replace us,\u201d among other exclusive utterances. Many of us were<\/p>\n
heartbroken by the attack on a crowd of anti-racist protestors,<\/p>\n
including Heather Heyer, who was murdered when one White<\/p>\n
supremacist plowed his car into the crowd.<\/p>\n
Not that racial resentment and hatred ever fully disap-<\/p>\n
peared, but today\u2019s conspicuous display of them by groups of<\/p>\n
Whites, all with their free speech guaranteed, is disturbing.<\/p>\n
Marching boldly and loudly, they decry the significant social,<\/p>\n
economic, and political gains fought for and earned since the<\/p>\n
Civil Rights era. The cost of liberty, freedom, and rights for those<\/p>\n
previously denied all three is to bear witness to and counter-<\/p>\n
protest against marchers who spew hateful language and wield<\/p>\n
To shift the tides of both economic and racial inequalities substantially, we must find dynamic ways to reimagine and enact education\u2019s equitable promises.<\/p>\n
A le<\/p>\n
x H<\/p>\n
o ly<\/p>\n
o ak<\/p>\n
e, F<\/p>\n
lic kr<\/p>\n
C C<\/p>\n
27S P R I N G 2 0 1 8 c o n t e x t s<\/p>\n
historical artifacts of violence. On public university campuses,<\/p>\n
people of color, LGBTQ, Jewish, Muslim, and immigrant people<\/p>\n
bear the disproportionate psychological burden. They are asked<\/p>\n
to pay the communal tax for the liberty of ultra-conservative,<\/p>\n
(mainly) heterosexual, Protestant White men to foment psycho-<\/p>\n
logical terror\u2026 all in the name of free speech. Hate speech defies<\/p>\n
democratic, American ideals of equality, liberty, and justice for<\/p>\n
all. Throughout history, our nation has experienced repeatedly<\/p>\n
the consequences of exclusive, intolerant, unbridled views. Social<\/p>\n
progress necessarily demands some moral and legal constraints<\/p>\n
on different types of expression. Paradoxically, tolerance in the<\/p>\n
United States of America\u2014by way of unfettered, offensive,<\/p>\n
hateful free speech\u2014divides our nation deeply.<\/p>\n
Segregation, both racial and economic, is arguably the<\/p>\n
stickiest thorn in the side of American society with regard to<\/p>\n
the reduction of racial and economic inequality and the heal-<\/p>\n
ing of our nation\u2019s divides. The above-mentioned studies have<\/p>\n
convinced me\u2014a sociologist of inequality and education\u2014that<\/p>\n
policies and practices primarily targeting improved educational<\/p>\n
attainment and opportunity for historically disadvantaged racial-<\/p>\n
ethnic groups, though vital, are not enough. I infer this based on<\/p>\n
studies like one by Reardon, Lindsay Fox, and Joseph Townsend,<\/p>\n
which reveals the fact that even when individual incomes and<\/p>\n
educational outcomes are well-above average, stubborn racial<\/p>\n
differences persist. The average Black and Latinx worker with an<\/p>\n
annual salary of $100,000 lives in a neighborhood significantly<\/p>\n
poorer than the ones in which their White and Asian counterparts<\/p>\n
with similar incomes live; the median neighborhood income for<\/p>\n
this group of upper-income individuals was $54,393 for Blacks;<\/p>\n
$59,371 for Latinos; $65,653 for Whites; and $75,043 for Asians.<\/p>\n
Couple these findings with recent research about the<\/p>\n
exchange of information and ideas: In a network analysis of 10<\/p>\n
million Facebook users published in the March 2015 issue of<\/p>\n
Science, researchers found that \u201cfriends\u201d in networks are quite<\/p>\n
homogeneous along partisan and ideological lines\u2014Democrats<\/p>\n
versus Republicans. Only about one in five of any given Facebook<\/p>\n
user\u2019s friends are ideologically opposites from the user. The implica-<\/p>\n
tions here are great. Notably, race and political party affiliation are<\/p>\n
correlated to some extent. African Americans are overwhelmingly<\/p>\n
registered Democrats, for example. Critically, the limited ability of<\/p>\n
both educators and students to engage effectively across social,<\/p>\n
cultural, and ideological differences\u2014because of their neighbor-<\/p>\n
hood compositions and friendship networks\u2014challenge our<\/p>\n
schools and universities. Growing up in homogeneous economic<\/p>\n
and racial communities and schools inadequately prepares us for<\/p>\n
the differences that await us beyond the fold.<\/p>\n
Social scientists and decision makers who focus on macro-<\/p>\n
level and structural conditions can direct our attention to<\/p>\n
much-needed economic and social policy changes that meet<\/p>\n
targeted thresholds for higher standards of living and improved<\/p>\n
mobility in a wealthy, liberal democracy. At the same time, we<\/p>\n
cannot afford to ignore the macro-meso-micro connections.<\/p>\n
On the other end of the spectrum, civil society must engage to<\/p>\n
advance our personal mindsets and social choices. Many of us<\/p>\n
maintain racial and economic inequality (of opportunity) through<\/p>\n
our daily behaviors and our consumption of education as primar-<\/p>\n
ily a personal or private good. We have strong and well-founded<\/p>\n
desires for the \u201cbest\u201d schools and neighborhoods\u2014based on<\/p>\n
tests and neighborhoods\u2014for our own children. In the process,<\/p>\n
we keep the \u201cothers\u201d out.<\/p>\n
While subject to debate, presumably, a fundamental and<\/p>\n
philosophical purpose of education\u2014from pre-kindergarten to<\/p>\n
higher education\u2014is to grow generations of literate, critically<\/p>\n
thinking, creative, civically engaged students who work to edify<\/p>\n
and build a cohesive nation and democracy. Somewhere in the<\/p>\n
social system, this purpose has faltered. Some will argue it was<\/p>\n
never realized in our schools. Others will express a lost faith in<\/p>\n
the power of education due to racism\u2019s and poverty\u2019s unyielding<\/p>\n
persistence. Many of our school-communities\u2014including afflu-<\/p>\n
ent ones\u2014are in desperate need of radical makeovers both inside<\/p>\n
and outside of the schools\u2019 walls. To be sure, education alone\u2014in<\/p>\n
particular, schooling\u2014is not the sole intervention for our society\u2019s<\/p>\n
problems. Still, I continue to believe in the fundamental power of<\/p>\n
education. It is one of the most dominant socializing institutions in<\/p>\n
our lives. To shift the tides of both economic and racial inequali-<\/p>\n
ties substantially, we must, nevertheless, find dynamic ways to<\/p>\n
reimagine and enact education\u2019s equitable promises.<\/p>\n
recommended readings Darrick Hamilton and William A. Darity, Jr. 2017. \u201cThe Political Econ- omy of Education, Financial Literacy, and the Racial Wealth Gap,\u201d Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis Review First Quarter: 59-76. A review by two of the foremost experts on racial differences in U.S. wealth and the intergenerational transmission of advantages.<\/p>\n
Nikole Hannah-Jones. 2015. \u201cSegregation Now,\u201d Propublica. A highly acclaimed article by an investigative journalist, this piece delves into the relationships between housing and school seg- regation across generations through profiles of several families.<\/p>\n
Amanda Lewis and John Diamond. 2015. Despite the Best Inten- tions: How Racial Inequality Thrives in Good Schools. New York: Oxford University Press. Uses years of observations within a diverse, suburban public school, to reveal how even the \u201chigh- est quality\u201d public school may engender educational inequality across different racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic groups.<\/p>\n
Daniel Losen, ed. 2015. Closing the School Discipline Gap: Equi- table Remedies for Excessive Exclusion. New York: Teachers Col- lege Press. An edited volume that comprises research-based chapters from multiple social science disciplines, highlighting how disproportionality in school suspensions and expulsions by race, class, gender, sexual orientation, and disability compounds already existent achievement disparities; it also offers some con- crete policy and practice recommendations.<\/p>\n
Prudence L. Carter is in the Graduate School of Education at the University of<\/p>\n
California\u2013Berkeley where she is also the dean. A sociologist, she is the author of<\/p>\n
Stubborn Roots: Race, Class and Inequality in U.S. and South African Schools.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
22 contexts.org by prudence l. carter EDUCATION\u2019S LIMITATIONS AND ITS RADICAL POSSIBILITIES http:\/\/crossmark.crossref.org\/dialog\/?doi=10.1177%2F1536504218776956&domain=pdf&date_stamp=2018-06-07 23S P R I N G 2 0 1 8 c o\u2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[8819,8823,8821,8818,8080,8079,8817,8816,8824,8820,8822],"tags":[8893,1053,8883,8885,8884,8888,8889,8890,8894,8892,8887,8886,54,8895,8891],"class_list":["post-99456","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-best-master-thesis-writing-service","category-best-thesis-writing-services","category-cheap-thesis-writing-services","category-master-thesis-help","category-master-thesis-writing-service","category-online-thesis-writing-services","category-thesis-help-online-free","category-thesis-writing-help-online","category-thesis-writing-services-cost","category-thesis-writing-services-near-me","category-thesis-writing-services-reviews","tag-australia-nursing-writing-help","tag-case-study-help","tag-criminal-justice-essay-writers","tag-criminal-law-research-essay-writers","tag-criminology-paper-writing-service","tag-essay-roo","tag-my-assignment-help","tag-need-nursing-assignment-help-in-australia","tag-nursing-assignments","tag-nursing-essay-help-by-australian-academic-writers","tag-nursing-essay-writing-help-australia","tag-nursing-homework-assignment-help","tag-nursing-writing-help","tag-nursing-writing-helpers","tag-treat-assignment-help"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.studyproessays.com\/help\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/99456","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.studyproessays.com\/help\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.studyproessays.com\/help\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.studyproessays.com\/help\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.studyproessays.com\/help\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=99456"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.studyproessays.com\/help\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/99456\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.studyproessays.com\/help\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=99456"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.studyproessays.com\/help\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=99456"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.studyproessays.com\/help\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=99456"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}